By Danielle Brooks | M•I•A MEDIA GROUP
Gina Hinojosa’s election as Texas’ first Latina governor carries a significant story about Black political influence: Black voters supported her at a substantially higher rate than Hispanic voters, according to voter polling published by ABC News.
Hinojosa defeated Republican Gov. Greg Abbott, ending his pursuit of a fourth term and returning the governor’s office to Democrats for the first time since Ann Richards. Her victory broke a longstanding Republican hold on one of the nation’s most politically consequential states.
The ABC News survey estimated that Hinojosa received 88% of Black voters’ support, compared with 65% among Hispanic voters — a difference of 23 percentage points. Both groups favored her, but Black voters backed her more overwhelmingly. These figures are survey estimates, rather than an official count of ballots by race.
That distinction also matters when interpreting the claim that “more Black people” voted for Hinojosa.
The same survey estimated that Hispanic voters represented 24% of the electorate, compared with 12% for Black voters. Those estimates suggest Hispanic voters contributed more votes to Hinojosa overall, despite their lower support rate. A larger percentage within a smaller voting population does not necessarily produce a larger number of ballots.
The political significance of Black support nevertheless deserves attention. A candidate can depend on one community for exceptionally strong margins while drawing a larger number of votes from another. Both contributions help explain how a winning coalition works.
Hinojosa’s victory also challenges the assumption that a candidate’s ethnic identity automatically determines the intensity of support within that community. Electing a Latina governor is a historic milestone, but Hispanic voters still made individual choices about party, policy and leadership.
Evidence before Election Day illustrated those differences. An October N+ Univision poll conducted by YouGov found Hinojosa leading among Hispanic voters statewide, while Abbott led among Hispanic respondents in North Texas. The findings showed meaningful regional variation within the same electorate.
That survey also identified concerns extending beyond representation. Forty-two percent of Hispanic respondents said their household finances had worsened over the preceding year. Fifty-six percent said immigration enforcement had gone too far. These findings provide context for the campaign, although they cannot establish why any individual ultimately voted for Hinojosa.
For Black communities, the result raises a question that reaches beyond Texas: How will strong electoral support translate into influence over governing decisions?
That question belongs in discussions about public education, health care, business opportunity and appointments. Political recognition after a victory is one measure of inclusion. Participation in setting priorities and evaluating results is another.
The available evidence does not establish that Black voters alone delivered Hinojosa’s victory. It does establish that they supported her at an exceptionally high rate, making their contribution central to understanding her coalition.
As Hinojosa prepares to govern, the next measure of that coalition will be whether the communities that helped elect her have a meaningful voice in what comes next.







